Ao ler a entrada que o Zé Carlos escreveu há pouco, "Quando a discriminação mora ao lado", sobre as diferenças serem socialmente induzidas ou não, lembrei-me desta foto que a Sandra Maximiano me deu há uns dias.
Lembrei-me da foto a pretexto de o Zé Carlos dizer que os homens não têm mamas e que portanto há diferenças entre sexos que necessariamente decorrem da biologia. Diga-se que não há ninguém que discorde desta observação, a questão está em saber qual o seu alcance.
Esta é uma foto de homens da tribo Khasi a tomar conta de crianças. Esta tribo, como expliquei no meu último artigo do Observador, tem uma estrutura matriarcal. Ou seja, são as mulheres que mandam. E não estamos a falar de mandar na família, é mesmo na sociedade. Por lá, são os homens que reclamam por mais igualdade.
Esta é uma foto de homens da tribo Khasi a tomar conta de crianças. Esta tribo, como expliquei no meu último artigo do Observador, tem uma estrutura matriarcal. Ou seja, são as mulheres que mandam. E não estamos a falar de mandar na família, é mesmo na sociedade. Por lá, são os homens que reclamam por mais igualdade.
Mostremos, pois, a nossa solidariedade para com os explorados e discriminados machos Khasi ! :-)
ResponderEliminarPrecisamente.
EliminarMas eles são mesmo matriarcais? Ou são a típica sociedade matrilinear (em que quem manda são os tios pelo lado da mãe)? Pelo menos o artigo da wikipedia sobre eles dá-me mais essa ideia.
ResponderEliminarDaqui: http://rady.ucsd.edu/faculty/directory/gneezy/pub/docs/gender-differences-competition.pdf
EliminarThe Khasi of Meghalaya, in northeast India are a matrilineal society, and inheritance and clan membership always follow the female lineage through the
youngest daughter. Family life is organized around the mother’s house, which
is headed by the grandmother who lives with her unmarried daughters, her
youngest daughter (even if she is married), and her youngest daughter’s children.
Additionally, her unmarried, divorced, or widowed brothers and sons
reside in the home. The youngest daughter never leaves and eventually becomes
the head of the household; older daughters usually form separate households
adjacent to their mother’s household. Furthermore, a woman never joins the household of her husband’s family and a man usually leaves his mother’s
household to join his wife’s household. In some cases, a man will practice
duolocal marriage (in which he lives in both his mother’s and his wife’s households).
Even in cases when a married man resides with his wife’s family, he
spends much, if not most, of his time in his mother’s or sisters’ household
(Nakane (1967), Van Ham (2000)).
Though Khasi women do not generally assume the roles held by men in patriarchal
societies (they do not become warriors or hunters, for example), they
always live in households in which they or their mothers have authority over
most household decisions. On the other hand, men frequently hold roles that
seem to mirror those of women in patriarchal societies. The Khasi husband
dwells in a household in which he has no authority or property, is expected to
work for the gain of his wife’s family, and has no social roles deemed important.
His role is summarized by Nakane (1967, p. 125), who provided accounts
of the subservient role of Khasi men. Such status has lead to the formation of
a men’s rights movement (Nonbgri (1988), Ahmed (1994), Van Ham (2000)).
Perhaps the most important economic feature of Khasi society is that the return
to unverifiable investment in the human capital of girls is retained within
the household, whereas, in other cultures, only the verifiable component of investment
can be retained through bride price or dowry. In other words, Khasi
families can choose to raise exactly the daughter they would like to keep in
their household, not the daughter most likely to be preferred by other households.